Emile Durkheim Totemism: Unveiling the Sacred Symbolism of Aboriginal Societies
Kepeon.com-Emile Durkheim Totemism:
Unveiling the Sacred Symbolism of Aboriginal Societies-In the context of everyday religious life,
it is sometimes challenging to distinguish between something that is purely
religious and the result of human thinking or interpretation of religion.
Something that is purely religious means it originates from God, is absolute,
and contains sacred value.
The result of religious thinking, on the
other hand, comes from sources other than God (humans), is temporal, subject to
change, and lacks sacredness. In terms of realization, it can be difficult to
differentiate between the two because they often overlap, and the meanings of
religion and religious thinking become mixed, whether intentional or
unintentional. Furthermore, the development of religious thinking sometimes
transforms it into a religion itself, leading to its sanctification and
considering it sinful to alter it.
Is religion a part of culture, or is
religion the most valuable aspect of social life within any culture? It is
necessary to examine Emile Durkheim's concept of religion since his view of
religion is inseparable from his argument about religion as part of social
facts.
Moreover, Emile Durkheim spent
approximately ten years researching and reflecting on religion, producing
ingenious ideas in the field of sociology of religion, which earned him an important
position and recognition as a significant figure in "the development of
sociology as an academic discipline."
Emile Durkheim, a renowned scholar known as
a sociologist of religion, is often mentioned as one of the two main founders
of modern sociology. When discussing religion from a sociological approach, it
seems that Durkheim cannot be detached from this context.
Durkheim is most famous and even considered
a key figure in the history of modern sociology, with significant influence on
anthropological thinking as well.
Durkheim is regarded as a successor to
Comte's positivism, devoting his time, energy, and thoughts to establishing
sociology as a distinct discipline based on empirical methods. Among his four
major works, "The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life,"
along with several articles, monographs, and scientific lectures delivered to
his students, stands out.
Durkheim successfully built a broad
framework for analyzing social systems, which is a central field in sociology
and remains important today in sociology and related disciplines, particularly
anthropology.
However, on the other hand, Durkheim's
ideas are subject to disagreement by many experts and individuals, yet they are
still viewed as a reference and a point of reference. Durkheim appears to have
had little or no involvement in the political events of his time. He stood out
more as a dedicated academic, diligent, and dedicated to his profession as a
scholar.
In his theoretical framework, Durkheim
emphasizes the importance of social structure, interaction, and social
institutions in understanding human thought and behavior. This can be observed
from Durkheim's emphasis on viewing almost all major changes in human life,
such as law, morality, professions, family and personality, science, art, and
religion, from a social perspective.
Durkheim claims that without society giving
birth to and shaping all of these aspects, none of them would emerge in life.
On the other hand, Durkheim also expresses that social facts are far more
fundamental than individual facts, and social facts are as real as physical
facts. Individuals are often misunderstood when the strong influence of society
on them is disregarded or not carefully understood.
Totemism
In this piece, we will explore the
captivating realm of totemism and delve into the theories presented by Durkheim
regarding the religious beliefs and rituals of primitive societies, with a
specific focus on the Aboriginal people of Australia.
Durkheim's groundbreaking research sheds
light on the profound significance of totems within these societies and unveils
the intricate relationship between the sacred and the profane.
Totemism: An Enigmatic Belief System
Durkheim's fascination with the religious system of the native Australian
population stemmed from his belief that previous researchers had failed to
capture the true essence of Aboriginal society.
While earlier studies described tribal
communities divided into clans, each with its own animal, plant, or object as a
totem, Durkheim argued that these accounts merely scratched the surface.
According to him, the pivotal question remained unanswered: why do these totems
symbolize both the sacred and the profane concepts within the society?
The Significance of Totems Durkheim
observed that in primitive societies, any animal not classified as a totem was
considered "profane" and could be hunted and consumed. Conversely,
animals designated as totems held a sacred place within the clan, and it was
forbidden for clan members to kill or consume them, except as sacrificial
offerings or during religious ceremonies.
Durkheim discovered that the symbols
represented by these totemic animals held profound meaning for the worshiping
clan. The totems were not merely perceived as sacred entities but were regarded
as the embodiment and perfect exemplification of the sacred.
This perspective became evident during
religious ceremonies where the clan utilized symbols, such as wooden or stone
carvings of their totems, placed in their midst. The totem held immense sacred
value for the clan and served as a means to communicate its sacredness to the
surrounding world.
Totemism: The Core of Primitive Societies
Durkheim concluded that belief in totemism was the most crucial aspect of these
simple societies, permeating every facet of their lives. While superficially
totemism may appear as a form of animal or plant worship, a closer examination
reveals a distinct reality.
The adherents of totemic beliefs were not
worshipping an individual animal or the carved representation of one but rather
revering an impersonal and anonymous force found within these animals. This
force could not be possessed or controlled by any individual but required the
participation of the entire community in its veneration.
The Impersonal God of Totemism Within the
totemic beliefs, Durkheim identified the presence of a deity worshipped by the
community. However, this god was characterized as impersonal, lacking a name or
history. It was an immanent force permeating the world, manifesting in various
objects within nature.
Durkheim criticized earlier researchers who
interpreted religion as a belief in supernatural powers, emphasizing that the
totemic principles forming the foundation of clan beliefs and rituals were rooted
in an impersonal power with vast physical and mental influence over the lives
of all clan members.
Durkheim's findings extended beyond the
Aboriginal communities in Australia, encompassing other tribal societies as
well. Known as mana among Melanesians and referred to as wakan, Manitou, or
orenda among Native American Indian societies, these beliefs share the same
idea of an impersonal force at the core of clan faith.
Totem: Symbol of Clan and Deity From
Durkheim's perspective, the totem represents both the clan and the deity
simultaneously, as the clan and the deity are fundamentally intertwined. Thus,
worship of the deity or gods is, in essence, an expression and reinforcement of
the community's belief in the clan.
Rituals and ceremonies of Aboriginal societies
are communal and communal in nature, emphasizing the collective worship of
multiple gods, whether in the form of animals or plants existing beyond the
realm of ordinary reality.
Durkheim
asserts that a society requires individual commitment manifested through
collective consciousness. The principles of totemism infiltrate, govern, and
possess power over individual self-awareness. The society must respect and hold
moral responsibility to perform worship ceremonies.
The Significance of Rituals in Totemism
Durkheim's initial observation is crucial to remember: religious resemblances
arise not from personal moments but from communal clan ceremonies.
Consequently, this assumption leads to the conclusion that it is not the
beliefs themselves but the religious rituals that hold greater importance.
Totemistic rituals take shape through
various forms of worship, including both "negative" and
"positive" forms. Additionally, there exists a third form known as
piacular, which signifies the redemption of sins or transgressions and occupies
a position within the realm of the first form of worship.
The primary task of rituals within the
negative worship form is to maintain the separation between the sacred and the
profane. This worship form often consists of "prohibitions" or
"taboos." On the other hand, the second form of worship, the most
significant ritual for Australian society, is the intichiuma. This ritual
portrays the process of surrendering human life to the deity, who then returns
it to the worshippers.
Conclusion: In conclusion, Durkheim's theories on
totemism shed light on the intricate belief system and rituals of primitive
societies, with a specific focus on the Aboriginal communities of Australia.
Totemism encompasses more than mere animal or plant worship; it is a complex
interplay of the sacred and the profane, symbolized through totems.
The totems embody not only the clan but
also an impersonal deity, representing an immanent force within nature. Through
communal rituals, these societies express and strengthen their beliefs,
fostering a sense of unity and loyalty among clan members. Durkheim's work
expands beyond the Australian context, revealing the prevalence of similar
totemic beliefs in various tribal societies worldwide.
Understanding totemism provides valuable
insights into the profound connection between religious practices, collective
consciousness, and social cohesion within these societies.
[1] Peter
Beliharz, Soscial Theory: A Guide to Central Thinkers, terj. Sigit
Jatmiko, 2003, Teori-teori Sosial : Observasi Kristis Terhadap Para Filosof
Terkemuka, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2003, hal. 101.
[1] Ibid.,
[1] Ibid,. hal, 191.
[1] Barian Morris, Antropologi Agama: Kritik
Teori-Teori Agama Kontemporer, hal, 139-140
[1] Karen Armstrong, Berperang Demi Tuhan: Fundamentalisme Dalam Islam,
Kristen dan Yahudi, hal, 43.